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Lisbon no threat to neutrality: will allow Ireland to play enhanced role in world

Issued : Sunday 8 June, 2008

The Leader of the Labour Party, Eamon Gilmore TD, has said that the Lisbon Reform Treaty posed no threat to Irish neturality and would allow Irleand to play an enhanced role in interntional affairs. Deputy Gilmore was speaking at a press conference to launch a Labour Party document on Lisbon and Irish neutrality.

The short document we are publishing here today is designed to deal with some of the false claims made by opponents of the Lisbon Treaty in regard to Irish neutrality and European defence and security issues.

Every single development in the history of the EU since 1973 has been depicted by some group or another in the most alarmist terms as a threat to Irish neutrality and they are at it again now in relation to the Lisbon Reform Treaty.

On this occasion the principal proponent of this argument is Sinn Fein. However, that Party made exactly the same arguments in regard to the Nice Treaty. For instance in May 2001 the Sinn Fein Leader, Gerry Adams, claimed that the Nice Treaty would 'undermine Irish sovereignty, relegate the country to the second division of a two tier Europe and compromise the state's neutrality by bringing it into NATO through a European army'.

This proved to be a totally groundless claim. Irish neutrality has not been compromised. And the claims being made by Sinn Fein in the current campaign will prove to be just as baseless.

Nevertheless the recent opinion poll did indicate that a substantial number of people were concerned about Irish neutrality. We need to reassure these voters

Not only do the provisions of the Lisbon Reform Treaty not pose any threat to Irish neutrality, but I believe that they will actually enable Ireland to play an enhanced role in the world.

On aid, to take just one example, the Treaty provides the necessary basis for EU action on world development issues with a firm commitment to work for the eradication of global poverty. The Treaty introduces for the first time a specific legal basis for humanitarian aid. The Treaty clearly states that the reduction and the eradication of poverty is the primary objective of the Union's development cooperation policy. This goal must be respected when the Union implements policies likely to affect developing countries. This implies also that development policy is a policy in its own right, and not simply an adjunct of the common foreign and security policy.

The Treaty makes provision for a more effective implementation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and a new European Security and Defence Policy. This means that the Union's role in international crisis prevention and management will be significantly enhanced. But it is important to stress that the key decisions on CFSP and Security and Defence matters will continue to be taken by unanimity, while Ireland's status of military neutrality is.specifically protected and our domestic 'triple lock' guarantee is fully maintained.

The specific policy stance of the EU neutrals - Ireland, Sweden, Finland, Austria, Cyprus and Malta - is covered by wording introduced into the 1992 Maastricht Treaty at Ireland's insistence and repeated in each Treaty revision since then.

There is much misleading and ill-informed comment in circulation in relation to the Union's policies and practices in the Security and Defence field. The factual Treaty situation is clear.

European Union operations under CFSP and ESDP are delimited by the Treaty statements of objectives and by the terms of the Petersburg Tasks which are closely aligned to the relevant chapters of the UN Charter. Nothing in this Treaty provides for conscription or for Ireland being forced into wars or imperialist adventures.

The present position, where the EU is involved in essential peace-keeping in Bosnia and in Chad in support of the UN/African Union missions in Darfur, represents the reality. The parallel civilian and humanitarian missions in several European and world trouble spots from the Balkans and Caucasus to Gaza and East Timor demonstrate the Union's continuing commitment to peace, security and stability.

Our concentration should be on the responsibilities which we share with our EU partners in contributing to the search for peaceful solutions to conflicts around the world and especially in our own continent. Ireland's history of peace-keeping and of constant, professional input to multilateral diplomatic efforts for peace and stability will be maintained and expanded by our involvement in the EU's policies and programmes.

ENDS

LISBON RESPECTS AND STRENGTHENS IRISH NEUTRALITY AND OUR RIGHT TO MAKE INDEPENDENT FOREIGN POLICY

1. The Irish Constitutional position asserting our neutrality is specifically included in the referendum on the Lisbon Reform Treaty. The prohibition in the Irish Constitution against Ireland joining a common EU defence arrangement remains in place. It cannot be changed unless the Irish people in a separate referendum approve it. The EU Common Foreign and Security Policy is fully compatible with Ireland's policy of Neutrality. It has also been declared as compatible with the policies of the other EU neutrals - Austria, Sweden, Finland, Malta and Cyprus, all of which are ratifying Lisbon.

2. EU membership can not affect Ireland's neutral status. The clause inserted into the EU treaties by the Maastricht Treaty (1992) stating that EU membership does not affect Ireland's neutral status remains in place (i.e. clause relating to the character of Member States policies).

3. The 'Triple Lock' on the use of the Irish defence forces remains in place. Irish law on the use of our defence forces outside Ireland contains what is known as the 'Triple Lock'. This means that under Irish law Irish troops can only be deployed abroad where there is: 1) a UN mandate, 2) Irish Government approval, and 3) the approval of the Dail. This law is unaffected by the Lisbon Treaty.

4. Ireland has a veto on EU defence policy. All decisions on Defence policy continue to require the unanimous agreement of all 27 Governments. Any single member state can therefore veto a proposal

5. Ireland is not bound by any mutual defence commitment. The Seville Declaration negotiated at the time of the Nice Treaty states that "In line with its traditional policy of military neutrality, Ireland is not bound by any mutual defence commitment. Nor is Ireland party to any plans to develop a European army".

6. National Security remains our own responsibility. Article 3a of the Lisbon Treaty makes it clear that EU 'shall respect the essential State functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security. In particular, national security remains the sole responsibility of each member State'.

7. Lisbon commits Europe to respecting international law. Lisbon sets out the Values underpinning EU external actions - respect for UN Charter principles and international law; democracy, the rule of law, the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for human dignity, the principles of equality and solidarity

8. Lisbon commits Europe to protecting human rights and eradicating poverty. The revised EU Objectives state that in its relations with the wider world, Europe "shall uphold and promote its values and interests and contribute to the protection of its citizens. It shall contribute to peace, security, the sustainable development of the Earth, solidarity and mutual respect among peoples, and fair trade, eradication of poverty and the protection of human rights, in particular, the rights of the child, as well as the strict observance and the development of international law including respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter."

9. Lisbon commits Europe to peacekeeping. Three-quarters of the 21 EU missions to date have involved only police and civilian personnel. All have been consistent with our foreign policy and have helped to end violence. EU missions will be confined to "peacekeeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter".

10. Lisbon makes European Defence policy transparent and democratic. The European Defence Agency, was set up by unanimous decision by EU Governments in 2004. Because it is an ad hoc body at present it is only accountable to the member state governments. Its purpose is to ensure that EU troops are prepared for peace missions they undertake. By including it in the Treaties, the EDA will come under the democratic scrutiny of the European parliament's MEPs and will also become subject to judicial review by the European Court of Justice for its activities.

11. There is no obligation to provide military assistance. The Solidarity provision in Lisbon, which offers help to any Member State suffering a humanitarian disaster or a terrorist attack, is not compulsory. Help may only be provided at the request of the political authorities of the member state affected. In addition Declaration number 37 of Lisbon (consolidated text) makes it clear that a member state retains the right to respond to a request for help in the manner they decide.

12. Lisbon establishes a Volunteer Youth Humanitarian Aid Corps. There is an innovative provision under the Humanitarian Aid section, which provides for the establishment of a Volunteer Youth Humanitarian Aid Corps to provide assistance when disaster strikes a country any where in the world.

13. Europe will have an independent Development policy based on sustainable development and eradication of global poverty. Under Lisbon, Europe's Development policy will not be subject to its foreign policy objectives, but will be independently driven by the EU objectives of sustainable development and eradication of global poverty. It includes a commitment to Fair Trade and universal human rights.

14. Lisbon provides access to diplomatic representation for Irish people travelling abroad. The development of the European External Action Service (Diplomatic Service) will be in cooperation with the Member State diplomatic services. It will provide invaluable assistance to Irish people going abroad whether on business or holidays to countries where Ireland has no representation. Declaration number 13 makes clear that the EEAS does not affect the responsibilities of Member States, as they currently exist for the formulation and conduct of their foreign policy, their national representation abroad or in international organisations. It also makes clear the EU and Member States remain bound by the Charter of the UN and by the primary responsibility of the UN Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security.

15. Irish Military spending is falling and our army is getting smaller. There is no compulsion on member states to increase their military expenditure. Member states are however urged to improve their capabilities to ensure they can participate effectively in the peace keeping and humanitarian aid objectives of the Union. Since the passing of the Nice treaty which no campaigners claimed would drag Ireland into a (still non-existent) EU Army, Ireland's expenditure on our army as a proportion of GDP has fallen from just over 4% to less than 2%. Half of that expenditure goes on pensions. In addition we have reduced the numbers in the Defence Forces from 13,000 to just over 10,000.